In
February 2014, Gov. John Hickenlooper’s office projected Colorado would
take in $118 million in taxes on recreational marijuana in its first
full year after legalization. With seven months of revenue data in, his
office has cut that projection and believes it will collect just $69
million through the end of the fiscal year in June, a miss of 42
percent.
That
figure is consequential in two ways. First, it’s a wide miss. Second,
compared with Colorado’s all-funds budget of $27 billion, neither $69
million nor $118 million is a large number.
“It’s
a distraction,” Andrew Freedman, Colorado’s director of marijuana
coordination, says of the tax issue. And despite the marijuana tax miss,
overall state revenues are exceeding projections, which may force the state to rebate some marijuana tax receipts to taxpayers.
In
the political debate over marijuana policy, fiscal benefits — bringing
marijuana into the legal economy and taxing it--have loomed large. The
summary of the marijuana legalization question put before voters in 2012
stipulated the first $40 million raised by one of the three taxes on
recreational marijuana would be put toward school construction each
year. In practice, Colorado is likely to receive just $20 million from
that tax this year.
But
it’s not just Colorado. When Scott Pattison, the executive director of
the National Association of State Budget Officers, appeared on C-Span’s
Washington Journal call-in show
to discuss state finances in December, callers repeatedly suggested
that legal marijuana could fix budget gaps in other states. One
asserted, incorrectly, that legal marijuana had increased Colorado’s tax
revenues by a billion dollars.
Colorado’s
marijuana taxes are part of a broader trend in recent years: States,
looking for ways to close budget shortfalls without raising broad-based
taxes, have leaned on “sin” revenues: higher taxes on cigarettes, higher
fees and fines and higher revenue from gambling. And as they have
sought to squeeze more revenue from these sources, they have often been
disappointed.
Gambling
revenue has stagnated as markets have become saturated. Nearly every
state has legal gambling, including 37 states with casinos. Expansions
of gambling do more to siphon revenue from existing gambling outlets
than to generate new tax and lottery revenue.
High
cigarette taxes have led to counterfeiting of tax stamps and
cross-border smuggling of cigarettes from low-tax jurisdictions to
high-tax ones. Because the taxes have also succeeded in the policy goal
of reducing smoking, the other policy goal of raising revenue is less of
a success.
In
the case of marijuana, Colorado’s revenue has disappointed because
legal recreational marijuana sales have been lower than expected. State officials thought many customers of medical marijuana
dispensaries would migrate to the recreational market. But this process
has been slow, in part because there is a financial disincentive to
switch: Medical marijuana is subject only to general sales tax, while a
15 percent tax is imposed on recreational marijuana at wholesale and a
further 10 percent at retail, in additional to the general sales tax.
.
.
But Mr. Freedman says the biggest drag on revenue is that so much of Colorado’s marijuana market remains unregulated. A 2014 report
commissioned by the state’s Department of Revenue estimated 130 metric
tons of marijuana was consumed in the state that year, while just 77
metric tons was sold through medical dispensaries and recreational
marijuana retailers. The rest was untaxed: a combination of home
growing, production by untaxed medical “caregivers” whose lightly
regulated status is protected in the state constitution and plain old
black-market production and trafficking.
The
state is trying to get its marijuana market in order. It has imposed
new rules to limit the number of plants that caregivers may possess,
aiming to ensure their operations are truly aimed at providing for a
small number of patients, not diverting some of the supply into the
recreational market. And it is tightening oversight of doctors to ensure
medical marijuana recommendations are written only for bona fide debilitating medical conditions. In time, these moves may draw more users into the recreational market where they belong.
On the other hand, falling market prices could cut into future tax revenues. Retail prices in Colorado were generally more than $10 a gram
as of last fall. In some cases, that was more than marijuana in the
illegal market. But illegal production is costly and inefficient. As
legal producers scale up and compete, they are likely to cut prices
sharply, according to Mark Kleiman, a drug policy expert at the
University of California, Los Angeles, who has played a major role in
establishing Washington State’s legal marijuana market. According to
Samantha Chin, the director of marketing at Colorado Pot Guide, retail
prices have fallen between 16 and 30 percent in the Denver area since
November. “If
commercial cannabis is $2 per gram at retail, I doubt people will
bother getting a medical card,” Mr. Kleiman says. Because the state’s
marijuana tax is levied per dollar, not per gram, a sharp drop in prices
would mean even less tax revenue.
There
are lessons here for other states. Because of low public support for
marijuana prohibition, many jurisdictions have intentionally lax
enforcement around illegal marijuana markets. This often shows up as a
wink-wink culture around medical access. (See, for example, “Medical Kush Doctor”
signs that once adorned storefronts in Venice, Calif.) After
legalization, that culture of lax enforcement can be a barrier to tax
collection.
Another
lesson is that marijuana taxes should be “specific excise” taxes per
unit of intoxicant. In most states, cigarettes are taxed by the pack and
alcohol by the liter. Marijuana could similarly be taxed by the gram
(either of plant or of T.H.C.), which would protect states from revenue
declines if pretax prices fall.
Taxes
on intoxicants are meant to offset the negative social effects of
intoxicant use; the size of those effects should not be expected to vary
with market price.
But
even if Colorado got all this right, improved revenues would not be
among the most important effects that marijuana legalization has on the
state.
“Tax
revenue is nice to have, but in most states is not going to be enough
to change the budget picture significantly,” Mr. Kleiman says. “The
stakes in reducing criminal activity and incarceration and protecting
public health are way higher than the stakes in generating revenue.”
Mr. Kleiman has advocated an alternative legalization model,
currently being introduced in Washington, D.C., in which cultivation,
possession and use are permitted but sales are not. One goal of this
model is to avoid the creation of a commercial marijuana sector that
markets its products aggressively. A downside of the model is that there
are no legal sales on which to collect taxes — but as Colorado shows,
Washington, D.C., may not be giving up that much, fiscally."
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