April 2014 article
US taxpayers desperately need help to stop the insatiable neocon machine bleeding us dry. Someone benefits from endless US foreign interventions paid for by US taxpayers--who are kept in a pen like farm animals, separate from the political class. Someone loves chaos and misery. Who might that be?
April 30, 2014, "It's not Russia that's pushed Ukraine to the brink of war," UK Guardian, Seumas Milne, opinion
"The attempt to lever Kiev into the western [US neocon] camp by ousting an elected
leader made conflict certain. It could be a threat to us all."
"The threat of war in Ukraine is growing. As the unelected government
in Kiev declares itself unable to control the rebellion in the country's
east, John Kerry brands Russia a rogue state.
The US and the European Union step up sanctions against the Kremlin,
accusing it of destabilising Ukraine. The White House is reported to be
set on a new cold war policy with the aim of turning Russia into a "pariah state".
That might be more explicable if what is going on in eastern Ukraine
now were not the mirror image of what took place in Kiev a couple of
months ago. Then, it was armed protesters in Maidan Square seizing
government buildings and demanding a change of government and
constitution. US and European leaders championed the "masked militants"
and denounced the elected government for its crackdown, just as they now
back the unelected government's use of force against rebels occupying
police stations and town halls in cities such as Slavyansk and Donetsk.
"America is with you," [neocon] Senator John McCain told demonstrators then, standing shoulder to shoulder with the leader of the far-right Svoboda party as the US ambassador haggled with the state department over who would make up the new Ukrainian government.
When the Ukrainian president was replaced by a US-selected administration, in an entirely unconstitutional takeover, politicians such as William Hague brazenly misled parliament about
the legality of what had taken place: the imposition of a pro-western
government on Russia's most neuralgic and politically divided neighbour.
Putin bit back, taking a leaf out of the US street-protest playbook –
even though, as in Kiev, the protests that spread from Crimea to
eastern Ukraine evidently have mass support. But what had been a
glorious cry for freedom in Kiev became infiltration and insatiable
aggression in Sevastopol and Luhansk.
After Crimeans voted overwhelmingly to join Russia, the bulk of the
western media abandoned any hint of even-handed coverage.
So Putin is
now routinely compared to Hitler, while the role of the fascistic right on the streets and in the new Ukrainian regime has been airbrushed out of most reporting as Putinist propaganda.
So you don't hear much about the Ukrainian government's veneration of wartime Nazi collaborators and pogromists, or the arson attacks on the homes and offices of elected communist leaders, or the integration of the extreme Right Sector into the national guard, while the anti-semitism and white supremacism
of the government's ultra-nationalists is assiduously played down, and
false identifications of Russian special forces are relayed as fact.
The reality is that, after two decades of eastward Nato expansion,
this crisis was triggered by the west's attempt to pull Ukraine
decisively into its orbit and defence structure, via an explicitly
anti-Moscow EU association agreement. Its rejection led to the Maidan
protests and the installation of an anti-Russian administration –
rejected by half the country – that went on to sign the EU and
International Monetary Fund agreements regardless.
No Russian government could have acquiesced in such a threat from territory that was at the heart of both Russia
and the Soviet Union. Putin's absorption of Crimea and support for the
rebellion in eastern Ukraine is clearly defensive, and the red line now
drawn: the east of Ukraine, at least, is not going to be swallowed up by
Nato or the EU.
But the dangers are also multiplying. Ukraine has shown itself to be
barely a functioning state: the former government was unable to clear
Maidan, and the western-backed regime is "helpless" against the protests
in the Soviet-nostalgic industrial east. For all the talk about the
paramilitary "green men" (who turn out to be overwhelmingly Ukrainian),
the rebellion also has strong social and democratic demands: who would
argue against a referendum on autonomy and elected governors?
Meanwhile, the US and its European allies impose sanctions and
dictate terms to Russia and its proteges in Kiev, encouraging the
military crackdown on protesters after visits from Joe Biden and the CIA
director, John Brennan.
But by what right is the US involved at all,
incorporating under its strategic umbrella a state that has never been a
member of Nato, and whose last elected government came to power on a
platform of explicit neutrality? It has none, of course – which is why
the Ukraine crisis is seen in such a different light across most of the
world.
There may be few global takers for Putin's oligarchic
conservatism and nationalism, but Russia's counterweight to US imperial
expansion is welcomed, from China to Brazil.
In fact, one outcome of the crisis is likely to be a closer alliance
between China and Russia, as the US continues its anti-Chinese "pivot"
to Asia. And despite growing violence, the cost in lives of Russia's
arms-length involvement in Ukraine has so far been minimal compared with
any significant western intervention you care to think of for decades.
The risk of civil war is nevertheless growing, and with it the
chances of outside powers being drawn into the conflict. Barack Obama
has already sent token forces to eastern Europe
and is under pressure, both from Republicans [last gasp of Republican neocons as blood soaked hawks move to the Democrat Party] and Nato hawks such as
Poland, to send many more. Both US and British troops are due to take
part in Nato military exercises in Ukraine this summer.
The US and EU have already overplayed their hand in Ukraine.
Neither
Russia nor the western powers may want to intervene directly, and the
Ukrainian prime minister's conjuring up of a third world war
presumably isn't authorised by his Washington sponsors.
But a century
after 1914, the risk of unintended consequences should be obvious enough
– as the threat of a return of big-power conflict grows. Pressure for a
negotiated end to the crisis is essential."
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